Monday, September 21, 2015

A heavy taxpayer bill for light-rail? Debate continues over cost of commuter lines - Watchdog.org

A heavy taxpayer bill for light-rail? Debate continues over cost of commuter lines - Watchdog.org



Light-rail projects are springing up in cities around the country, hailed by supporters as an
effective way to reduce traffic, promote inner city businesses and cut down pollution.


“Light-rail is a way of making better use of your urban space, said Dave Dobbs, executive director of the nonprofit Texas Association for Public Transportation. “A lot of single-occupancy vehicles just doesn’t work” in cities. But are taxpayers getting taken for a ride? That depends on who you talk to.


A just-released report from the Cato Institute, a libertarian public policy center based in Washington, D.C., takes aim at cost overruns in government-funded transportation projects in general as well as a number of light-rail projects in particular and concludes “the federal government is a lousy manager,” said Chris Edwards, who authored the report along with Nicole Kaeding.



In addition to looking at costly defense and energy projects, the report also analyzed transportation initiatives that racked up bloat in local, state and federal dollars for projects Cato described as “boondoggles” that cost the U.S. Treasury $13 billion a year.



“People will read in the local newspaper that the local highway expansion or the bus station or the local rail system that the local politicians had promised would only cost $100 million and it ends up costing $200 million,” Edwards told Watchdog.org


The report included this table of transportation projects across the country that ran way overbudget, including a light-rail system recently completed in Denver:




Table from Cato Institute report, “Federal Government Cost Overruns”


The report quotes an infrastructure expert from the RAND Corporation who said in 2009, “of 35 public transit projects I have studied in the U.S., 33 overestimated patronage (ridership) and 28 underestimated costs.”


Earlier this year, a Cato Institute analysis examined the costs of 45 urban rail projects across the country since the 1980s and found that, on average, the costs doubled between the time the rail projects were approved and when they were completed.




Photo from Flickr Commons


HE SAID IT: “If people knew the real cost from the start, nothing would ever be approved,” former San Francisco mayor Willie Brown said in 2013.

In 2013, complaints about the costs of the TransBay Terminal in San Francisco prompted former mayor Willie Brown to sound off in an opinion piece, telling critics to “get off it.”


“In the world of civic projects, the first budget is really just a down payment,” Brown wrote in the San Francisco Chronicle.

“If people knew the real cost from the start, nothing would ever be approved. The idea is to get going. Start digging a hole and make it so big, there’s no alternative to coming up with the money to fill it in.”


“I had to read his quote two or three times to make sure I understood what he was saying,” Edwards said.


Defenders of light-rail point to their own success stories.


“You have to look at each individual project,” said Dobbs, who also publishes the website Light Rail Now!, saying a light-rail project in Phoenix was originally estimated to attract 26,000 riders a day but is delivering about 40,000-50,000.


“For every automobile we have, you’ve got six to nine parking spaces,” said Dobbs. “Now think about how much wasted urban space that is … Are you trying to move cars or are you trying to move people?”


“It’s kind of back to the future,” said Richard White, vice president of member services at American Public Transportation Association. “It wasn’t that long ago that just about every community in America had some form of rail system, mostly street cars.”


While the Cato report highlighted cost overruns, White pointed to a report from the General Accounting Office that found the capital costs for 23 of 32 new projects OK’d by the Federal Transit Administration‘s Capital Investment Grant Program between 2005-2013 came within 10 percent of their original cost estimates.


The Orange Line for TriMet, a light-rail construction project in Portland, Oregon, opened last week and officials said it came in $48 million under budget. The extension features rooftop solar panels and the line boasts the first regenerative energy storage unit in the United States.


“The Orange Line demonstrates smart transportation investments are critical to our economic growth,” said Oregon Gov. Kate Brown.


It was expensive, though, costing $1.49 billion to cover just 7.3 miles. The Federal Transit Administration paid for half the project — $745.2 million — with state and local sources picking up the rest of the tab.


“That’s a crucial thing,” Edwards said. “A lot of these projects would not go forward without federal money. The federal government will kick in a third, a half, a quarter of the costs. That’s enough for city or state politicians to say, ‘Oh, we ought to do the light-rail because if we don’t go ahead with it we’re going to lose like $20 million in federal money.’ Federal money is treated like it’s free.”


Edwards says he would like to see the federal government completely out of the transportation funding game and leave all urban transit spending to state and local governments and the private sector, which he believes will be more prudent with taxpayer dollars.


Dobbs scoffed at that notion.


“The private sector is interested in short-term, next-quarter profits,” Dobbs said, adding that federal dollars are spent on interstate highways. “Every form of transportation in the world is
subsidized. You think your highways are free?”


RELATED: St. Paul, Minnesota bills businesses thousands for light rail work Since the 1960s, the federal government has helped fund urban transit and Edwards believes that has provided an incentive for cities to build light-rail systems instead of other modes of public transportation such as buses.


“The capital costs for light-rail is high,” Edwards said. “So that is the type of system that cities are induced to build. In other words, they can get more money from the federal government if they build rail rather than buses and it creates a bias and distortion in their
decision-making. And that is what is probably the crucial reason why there has been this explosion in light-rail building in the last few decades, even though in my view it doesn’t make any economic sense.”


But Dobbs cites studies that maintain light rail is more cost-efficient than buses and says decisions by many city leaders starting in the 1930s to ditch their streetcars to make way for more automobiles was a “terrible mistake.”


“We’re faced with a future where we invented most of this technology, but we ripped it out,” Dobbs told Watchdog.org from his home in Austin, Texas. “Now we’re trying to put it back together because it works.”


Despite its critics, there are plenty of light-rail initiatives across the country coming online.


“People see it, they like it, they want it, they know it appeals to the younger generation,” White said. “They see the importance of mobility and the economic development that comes to their communities.”


One light-rail transportation website counts at least 18 partially funded and two fully funded projects spread across 12 cities in the United States. The two fully funded projects are in cities whose states are majority Republican — Salt Lake City and Charlotte, North Carolina.


In New Mexico, the Republican mayor of Albuquerque is pushing for a 10-mile, $100 million project that will mimic light rail.


“They’re not expensive in terms of what the alternatives are,” Dobbs said. “The question is not, what is the cost if you build it? The question is, what is the cost if you don’t build it? Do people make mistakes with rail lines? Yes … Europe and Asia have a lot more experience at this than we do.”


“I say take away the (federal) highway money and transit money,” Edwards said. “State and local governments would be more innovative, they would have lower costs (and) they’d make more efficient decisions.”





Rob Nikolewski


Rob Nikolewski is the National Energy

Correspondent for Watchdog.org. He is based in Santa Fe, N.M. Contact him at rnikolewski@watchdog.org and follow him on Twitter @NMWatchdog.

rnikolewski@watchdog.org

Friday, September 18, 2015

Butt lobbyists quash Texas school competition - Watchdog.org

Butt lobbyists quash Texas school competition - Watchdog.org

 

Want more tax dollars spent on schools without regard to performance or accountability? Billionaire Charles Butt’s lobbyists have you covered.

Raise Your Hand Texas, funded by the H-E-B grocery magnate from San Antonio, pushes for increased public-school spending while opposing every substantive education reform at the state Legislature.

“The reality is that Raise Your Hand Texas is an organization focused on protecting the status quo. They do not want to empower parents and, more than anything, they do not want children to have educational options,” said Randan Steinhauser, lead organizer of the Texas School Choice Coalition.

In an article headlined “In Education reform Debate, One Group Stands Out,” the Texas Tribune reported that “Raise Your Hand Texas has become a seasoned lobbying force on education issues.”

The praise wasn’t surprising. RYHT is a corporate sponsor of the Tribune, and benefactor Butt has contributed $300,000 to the left-leaning website.

Also bankrolled by Butt, one of the biggest political donors in Texas, RYHT commands the attention of state lawmakers — Democrats and Republicans alike.

This year, the group helped scuttle a bill that would have provided K-12 scholarships to low-income and at-risk children. SB4 passed the Senate, but died in the House.

Anthony Holm, a spokesman for Texans for Education Reform, said Raise Your Hand Texas is not “advancing agendas, they restrict bills.” That strategy, he said, makes it “much more difficult to advance affirmative legislation or to come up with solutions.”

“Raise Your Hand Texas painted the tax scholarship as a voucher,” noted Arif Panju, attorney with the Institute for Justice, which promotes school choice across the country.

“But,” he added, “they’re losing credibility. Parents understand the choice issue, and they’re more than capable of making a choice for their children.”

Steinhauser blames House Speaker Joe Straus for bottling up education reform initiatives.

“With more than 100,000 students on charter school wait lists, it’s clear that parents in Texas want options. And shame on Joe Straus for standing in their way,” she said.

Matthew Prewett, founder of the competition-oriented Texas Parents Union, puts it bluntly: “Straus is taking his cues from Raise Your Hand Texas.”

Jeff Judson, who is challenging Straus in the 2016 Republican primary, told Watchdog.org:


“A majority of states have enacted school choice programs, but not Texas. School choice is a priority of the Republican Party, is supported by huge majorities of Republican voters, was a priority of the lieutenant governor — and passed with a bipartisan super-majority in the Senate. But under Joe Straus, it did not even get a hearing in the House.

“Who does Joe represent when he blocks such a popular bill?”

Founded by Butt in 2006, Raise Your Hand Texas is headed by David Anthony, former superintendent of the Cypress-Fairbanks Independent School District.

Anthony also serves as a spokesman for the Texas Association of School Administrators.

Courtesy of RYHT, hundreds of public school principals have taken summer courses at the Harvard Graduate School of Education. Butt, whose mother was a schoolteacher, believes principals are crucial to successful public schools.

Though a graduate of the private Wharton (Pa.) School of Business, the 77-year-old Butt feels private competition undermines government schools.

Anthony assails what he calls an “inequitable funding system” for K-12 education in Texas. To make ends meet, he said he scaled back support staff positions at Cypress-Fairbanks.

Yet the latest data from his district show that non-instructional staff continue to outnumber teachers.

Exercising its connections at the 2015 Legislature, Butt’s Raise Your Hand Texas lobbying team included Michelle Smith, daughter of Rep. Jimmie Don Aycock. Aycock was appointed by Straus to chair the House Education Committee, the panel that wouldn’t give a hearing to SB4.

Aycock told Breitbart Texas his daughter’s main client was another K-12 advocacy group, Fast Growth School Coalition.

Without referencing RYHT, the Killeen Republican said, “If any of her bills regarding Fast Growth School Coalition come to my committee, then I’ll certainly recuse myself from that decision.”

Smith also works at Austin’s powerhouse lobbying firm, HillCo Partners, another corporate sponsor of the Texas Tribune.

“They say it’s all about the children — it’s all about the teacher unions and the bureaucrats,” says Robin Lennon, co-chairman of the Kingwood Tea Party. “It’s all cronyism.”

Despite obstructionism by Butt & Co., Steinhauser says the tide is shifting toward reform and competition in education.

“We are seeing more and more organizations focusing on parental choice options, and a large number of legislators are vocalizing their support for school choice,” she told Watchdog.

Kenric Ward writes for the Texas Bureau of Watchdog.org. Contact him at kward@watchdog.org.


Mayor proposes slowing down city’s annexation plans - San Antonio Express-News

Mayor proposes slowing down city’s annexation plans - San Antonio Express-News


Mayor Ivy Taylor has proposed dramatically slowing down the city’s annexation plans.

Taylor has suggested the city indefinitely scrap plans, announced late last month, to consider adding six new sections of unincorporated Bexar County to the city at least until after the city’s comprehensive plan SA Tomorrow is done.

These new areas were in addition to five the city had already proposed adding last year.

The mayor now suggests the city also reconsider annexing thousands of residential homes in some of these areas and instead focus on adding only commercial corridors. Specifically, Taylor suggested the city should study only adding commercial corridors along U.S. 281, between Marshall Road and the county line, and on Interstate 10 West, near Boerne and Camp Bullis, and leave the residential neighborhoods out of the plan.

Taylor said she’d be open to a similar idea for an area near Texas 151 and Loop 1604 that includes Alamo Ranch, a massive master planned communities.

Taylor said she believes the city should continue with its plans to annex both commercial and residential sites in an area in northeast Bexar County near I-10 East and Loop 1604, and another area around Lackland AFB, near U.S. 90 and Loop 1604.

The mayor’s proposal could alter the fates of thousands of Bexar County residents, who were bracing for — and, in some cases, fighting against — San Antonio’s plans to absorb them into the Alamo City. The city has been considering annexing more than 150 square miles of its extraterritorial jurisdiction, or ETJ, that are home to at least 170,000 people, based on 2010 U.S. Census numbers. The city can only annex areas that are in the ETJ, which extends five miles into the county, beyond the city limits.

City planning staff first proposed annexing five sections of unincorporated Bexar County last year, arguing the city is better equipped than the county to manage growth and provide services.

Residents’ reactions to the San Antonio’s annexation plans have been fierce and mostly negative, many calling the city’s strategy a land grab to generate more tax revenue.

The city of San Antonio is just under 500 square miles. If all 11 of the proposed areas were added, the city would grow to almost 650 square miles.

A required Zoning Commission hearing on the I-10 West annexation is scheduled for 10 a.m. Friday in City Council chambers. Officials have said they expect at least 200 people to attend that meeting.

Read more on this developing story at ExpressNews.com and in Friday’s Express-News.

vdavila@express-news.net

Recommendations for November Constitutional Propositions | Empower Texans℠

Recommendations for November Constitutional Propositions | Empower Texans℠





Proposition 1 – SJR 1


Explanation: Increases the homestead exemption for public
school districts by $10,000, gives the legislature the authority to
prohibit local government entities from reducing or repealing optional
homestead exemptions already in place, and prohibits a transfer tax or
free on real estate transactions.


TFR Position: FOR


Proposition 2 – HJR 75


Explanation: Current state law provides for an exemption
from property taxes for surviving spouses of 100% disabled veterans who
after January 1, 2010, provided that they meet a certain criteria. This
proposition would make eligible the same benefits to the surviving
spouses of 100% disabled veterans who died before the law took effect,
provided they meet the same criteria.


TFR Position: FOR


Proposition 3 – SJR 52


Explanation: Current law requires a statewide elected
official to maintain a residence in the Austin area while they serve
their term. This amendment would change that provision in the state
constitution and allow statewide elected officials to live at home while
serving their term.


TFR Position: FOR


Proposition 4 – HJR 73 


Explanation: Authorizes the foundations of professional sports teams in Texas to conduct charitable raffles during games.


TFR Position: NEUTRAL


Proposition 5 – SJR 17


Explanation: Authorizes a county with a population of 7,500 or less to perform private road construction and maintenance.


TFR Position: NEUTRAL


Proposition 6 – SJR 22


Explanation: Amends the state constitution to recognize the
right of Texans to hunt, fish, and harvest wildlife subject to laws
promoting wildlife conservation.


TFR Position: NEUTRAL


Proposition 7 – SJR 5 


Explanation: Dedicates a portion of state sales tax revenue
and motor vehicle sales to the state highway fund, to be used only for
non-tolled roads and reduction of transportation-related debt.


TFR Position: FOR



Friday, September 11, 2015

San Antonio City Council includes rail to Austin in budget - San Antonio Express-News

San Antonio City Council includes rail to Austin in budget - San Antonio Express-News




San Antonio became the third city to set aside funding for the Lone Star Rail District line when it voted Thursday to include $500,000 for the project in its annual budget.

The money will go toward planning a proposed passenger train, known as LSTAR, which would run between San Antonio and Georgetown. Austin and San Marcos agreed to help fund the project in 2013.

The city is considering a 36-year funding agreement with the rail district, which is run by a board of representatives from cities and counties in the Austin-San Antonio corridor. The agreement, which could be finalized within a month, would increase the city’s annual commitment to the project to $2 million over the next five years and allow it to end its involvement if the district doesn’t meet certain goals, such as securing money to build the line.

LSTAR plans to use existing tracks near Interstate 35 owned by Union Pacific if the railroad can acquire land east of I-35 for an alternate set of tracks to carry freight.

District 9 Councilman Joe Krier, long a proponent of LSTAR, reiterated his support for the train, which would provide those traveling between San Antonio and Austin an alternative to driving on I-35. He emphasized that other cities in the region will be expected to contribute to the operations and maintenance costs.

“San Antonio has now raised its hand and said ‘Count us in,’” he said.

District 8 Councilman Ron Nirenberg also voiced his support for the allocation, as well as money for other infrastructure improvements.

The budget includes $79 million for street and sidewalk maintenance, $33 million more than the amount included in last year’s budget.

kblunt@express-news.net

Twitter: @katherineblunt

Thursday, September 10, 2015

Right-to-Work Laws Don’t Lower Private-Sector Pay

By

Advocates for compulsory unionization have argued that right-to-work (RTW) laws reduce wages by 3 percent. A forthcoming Heritage Foundation Backgrounder finds instead that, when living costs are fully taken into account, private-sector workers in RTW states enjoy real wages equivalent to those in non-RTW states. Policymakers considering RTW legislation may do so confident that it will have no negative impact on private-sector wages. RTW laws do appear to slightly reduce the pay of government employees, easing constraints on hard-pressed state budgets.

Right-to-Work Laws

The National Labor Relations Act (NLRA) allows unions to negotiate contracts requiring workers to pay union dues. The NLRA also allows RTW laws that prohibit this compulsion. Twenty-five states have adopted RTW laws that make union dues voluntary. In the other 25 states, unions can force workers to pay union dues. Understandably, unions have much lower membership in states where workers can opt out of union membership. They represent 17 percent of workers in non-RTW states, compared to only 7 percent in RTW states.[1]

Unions and their advocates argue that, by reducing their membership, RTW laws reduce wages. They claim that weakening union power reduces the pressure on businesses to pay more.
In its new study, The Heritage Foundation has replicated the research that unions and some economists use to support that claim, and has found it fundamentally flawed, as it only partially controlled for cost-of-living differences among states.[2] Using the same model but fully controlling for price differences shows that RTW laws have no effect on private-sector workers’ purchasing power. Heritage did find that government employees make approximately 5 percent less in RTW states.

Different Living Costs

Workers earn lower nominal wages in RTW states. However, RTW states also have below-average living costs. As Map 1 shows, virtually the entire South has passed RTW laws; no Northeastern states have done so. The Northeast has higher costs of living than the South. In fact, all but one RTW state—Virginia—has living costs below the national average.[3] Consequently, the higher nominal wages in non-RTW states do not necessarily purchase more goods and services. Researchers need to account for differences in the cost of living among states to determine how RTW affects workers’ real purchasing power. Most academic studies that do this find that RTW has little effect on real wages.[4]
However, a new study from the Economic Policy Institute (EPI), a union-backed think tank, concludes that workers earn 3 percent less in RTW states, even after controlling for differences in living costs.[5] That study is fundamentally flawed.
Table 1 shows how that study came to that result. In developing the table, The Heritage Foundation used the same data,[6] econometric model,[7] and control variables[8] to replicate the EPI findings. In Table 1, columns 1 through 4 replicate the main findings. Column 1 shows the raw difference in wages between RTW states and non-RTW states. Workers earn about 13 percent less in RTW states, taking nothing else into account. Column 2 adds demographic and individual-level labor market variables to the analysis. That reduces the RTW “penalty” to about 8 percent. Column 3 shows the researchers’ preferred specification, which adds state living costs and unemployment rates as control variables. Column 4 adds 2013 data; the earlier study only covered 2010 to 2012. Both columns 3 and 4 report workers earning approximately 3 percent less in RTW states.[9] That is essentially the EPI result. Unions have used that study to argue that Missouri, Kentucky, and West Virginia, among other states, should continue to force workers to pay union dues.

Accounting for Living Costs

That study has a serious flaw, albeit one invisible to most readers. The econometric model that drives the results in columns 3 and 4 only accounts for three-quarters of the difference in living costs among states.[10]
The model adjusts wages based on the cost of living in each state. But it only partially adjusts for these differences. Researchers have found that wages generally move one-for-one with living costs.[11] New Yorkers pay about 15 percent above the national average for goods and services.[12] They also earn about 15 percent above-average wages. The model to which unions point ignores about a quarter of this effect.
This artificially makes workers in RTW states—with below-average living costs—look like they have below-average real wages. The researchers claimed they accounted for cost-of-living differences, but their model does not fully do so.
A better approach is to adjust wages for purchasing power differences before running the model. This fully controls for differences in living costs among states. Column 5 of Table 1 shows how doing so changes the results.
 
This one change eliminates almost the entire negative relationship between RTW laws and wages. The estimate falls from 2.8 percent lower wages in RTW states to a statistically insignificant –0.7 percent. All the control variables remain the same between the economic models in columns 4 and 5. Column 5 differs only by analyzing real wages instead of nominal wages. Completely controlling for price differences eliminates the negative correlation between RTW and wages that unions allege.

Government Versus Private Sector

RTW laws affect wages differently in the private sector than in government. Unions contend that RTW reduces union membership and thus unions’ ability to pressure businesses to pay higher wages. In government, however, unions raise their members’ pay primarily by negotiating expensive contracts with friendly politicians. RTW reduces the amount of money that government unions can use to campaign for their political allies.
Because RTW laws affect wages through different channels in the government and in the private sector, analysts should examine them separately. Columns 6 and 7 show results of analyzing cost-of-living-adjusted wages separately for state and local government employees, and for private-sector workers.
Column 6 shows the results for government employees. State and local employees earn approximately 5 percent less in RTW states. This reduction in state government payrolls is an important economic benefit of RTW laws. State government employees in all but five states earn more than similarly skilled private-sector workers.[13] Private-sector workers should not pay excessive taxes so that government employees can enjoy higher living standards than they do.
Column 7 shows that RTW laws have an even smaller impact on private-sector wages than on the economy overall. Private-sector workers earn a statistically insignificant 0.1 percent less in RTW states than in non-RTW states.

Overtime, Tips, and Commissions

Column 8 shows a final specification. The EPI study used a wage measure that excluded overtime, tips, and commissions from hourly workers’ pay. Such performance-based compensation has become an increasingly large part of workers’ pay over the past generation—especially for non-union workers.[14] Column 8 shows the same calculation as column 7, but it includes overtime, tips, and commissions for all employees. This more inclusive definition of pay reverses the sign of the RTW coefficient. Using it shows that RTW laws are associated with 0.5 percent higher private-sector wages, a result that is not statistically significant. Fully controlling for living costs and including everything that private-sector workers earn shows that RTW laws have little effect on their wages.

Unions: Little Effect on Private-Sector Wages

Union allies argue that “RTW laws seek to hamstring union’s ability to help employees bargain with their employers for better wages, benefits, and working conditions.”[15] If so, RTW laws are wholly ineffective. Many workers opt out of union membership when union dues become voluntary. Nonetheless, real wages in RTW states are just as high for private-sector workers as they are in states with compulsory dues.
Policymakers have no economic justification for forcing workers to pay union dues. Workers who want to unionize have the right to do so. But the government should not force workers who see little benefit from union representation to purchase it.
—James Sherk is Research Fellow in Labor Economics in the Center for Data Analysis, of the Institute for Economic Freedom and Opportunity, at The Heritage Foundation.

Wednesday, September 9, 2015

San Antonio looking at $500,000 for Lone Star Rail - San Antonio Express-News

San Antonio looking at $500,000 for Lone Star Rail - San Antonio Express-News





Councilman Joe Krier is a supporter of the idea of the Lone Star Rail project.

San Antonio is expected to allocate its first round of funding for the Lone Star Rail District line when the City Council votes Thursday to approve an annual budget that includes $500,000 for the fledgling project.

If the council approves the funding, San Antonio would be the third city to set aside money for a proposed passenger rail line — known as LSTAR — that would run between the Alamo City and Georgetown. Austin and San Marcos signed funding agreements in 2013.

“It would be symbolic if the south end of the corridor is on board,” said Joe Black, rail director for the district, which is run by a board of representatives from city and county agencies involved in the project. “The north end communities have stepped up to do their part, and it would be a really nice way to end the year to say that the two large cities that are part of this project have signed on.”

The LSTAR line is designed to get passengers from downtown San Antonio to downtown Austin in a minimum of an hour and 15 minutes.

t would run alongside I-35 and make 19 stops between the metro areas, five of which are planned between downtown San Antonio and north Loop 1604.

Union Pacific owns the tracks for the proposed route, which it uses to carry freight.

In 2010, the district and UP agreed to study the possibility of relocating the freight line east of I-35, a $1.6 billion endeavor. But the two have yet to finalize an agreement to move the line, Black said.

District 9 City Councilman Joe Krier said the project’s inclusion in the city’s budget “represents a commitment by San Antonio that we do want to be a regional partner with Austin and (other nearby cities) and finally give residents in this region a transportation option that does not require sitting still on 1-35 while trying to get up and down the corridor.”

The proposed allocation is the city’s first step toward a 36-year funding agreement with the district that could be finalized within a month, Black said.

The agreement would increase the city’s annual commitment to the project to $2 million over the next five years if the district secures a freight line agreement with UP and obtains the capital necessary to build the project.

“We will pass this with the direction that we have to have a contract that will set performance measures and include what we like to call ‘off-ramps,’” Krier said. “If the city is not happy with the project, there’s a way the city can bail out during that period of time.”

The city’s initial $500,000 will be put toward planning, and later contributions will be put toward operations and maintenance, Black said. LSRD is negotiating a similar funding agreement with Bexar County, which allocated $500,000 for the project when it passed its budget last week.




“Whatever the (Commissioners) Court will do will be contingent on (the district) getting the construction funds to build it, and I don’t think they’re any closer to that then they were 10 years ago,” County Judge Nelson Wolff said. “But we want to be supportive, and we hope it happens.”

The idea for passenger rail service in the San Antonio-Austin corridor has gained little economic traction since it first was proposed in the late 1990s.

The district has funded several environmental impact and financial feasibility studies within the past decade, but the cost of building the service and relocating the UP line, which would cost a total of $2.4 billion, remains mostly unfunded.

That might soon change. The district expects to use a combination of federal, state and private funds to cover the capital costs of building the rail, and Black said it could nail down a public-private partnership within the next year and a half.

Other cities, including Georgetown, New Braunfels and Schertz, also are considering allocating money toward the project. And later this month, VIA’s board will vote on whether to include $500,000 for the district in its annual budget.

kblunt@express-news.net

Twitter: @katherineblunt